by Max Barry

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Region: The Hole To Hide In

RP: Mec II electric boogaloo
Blayredeshia Icewindia
As the previous Mec offensive provided the nationalists with impressive gains in both territory and power, it was expected that as it stalled out that the cost of the offensive in both lives and material would prove slowing to the nationalist advance. However this expectation has been broken as panicked news leaks out of the Center Valley of a new nationalist offensive, bolstered by the deployment of League forces, which has blitzed through the government lines. Beginning late in the night, the sky was cast alight with a sudden cascade of orange lights as Blayredeshian bombers resumed their previous campaign of bombing with an unforeseen increase in both the number and damage of their runs. The bombing campaign primarily targeted the government’s defensive forts and infrastructure, reducing their defenses that snaked across the fields and city streets to ruin. This was followed with a combined arms push by Nationalist forces and their league allies as they swept across the many mountainous plains that once flew the tri-star flag. In some towns the nationalists were even met positively with several mayors declaring allegiance to the Junta and allowing them to pass without a shot fired. However in a majority of cases they were met with stiff resistance, though their tenacity proved unstoppable to the league’s air power which delivered several important victories. In Marille, league infantry and Icewindian tanks fought with Agrarien militias over the hills which surrounded the town before devolving into urban warfare leading to capture of a vitally important regional power station. In Caroux, NRM brigades encircled a socialist army battalion, forcing the surrender of over 1000 socialist soldiers and their Lieutenant Colonel. The government for it’s part has ordered a general withdrawal from Conreac and Haravgny as well as southern Vossefaire with most of the army there scrambling to a hastily assembled fallback line as they attempt to stem the tide of the advancement of nationalist aligned forces.

As the government increasingly finds itself outgunned and outmanned, they are resorting to more desperate measures. With the government reducing the minimum age for conscription from 20 to 18 with the new manpower going to newly constituted militia units and to fill the gaps in the existing federal army. As well the government, quickly burning through it’s stores of weapons and ammo has begun using supplies from caches which contained mothballed guns that were used in the unification war in an attempt to get more soldiers on the ground. As well, the central government increased the penalty and punishment for desertion and has begun a propaganda campaign to attempt to inspire the soldiers to “Hold the line against the league puppets”. However as the hum of enemy bombers draws ever more north, there are doubts about the government’s ability to do so.

RP: NRM general assassinated
Though the advance was largely to the benefit of the nationalists, it hasn't been without loss. A major one being the killing of Brigadier General Henri Botrel who was killed by an artillery fragment after the units he was commanding came under fire under they approached the recently liberated hamlet of Avile. President Mesny and Marrast have put out a joint statement offering condolences to the family and honoring the late general along with with an announcement that he will receive a state funeral in his home town. Botrel is so far the only nationalist general killed in action in the conflict.

RP: GDF enclave in Yirvaire repulses nationalist incursion
During the nationalist takeover of the south during the initial incursion, the towns there were presented with the choice between loyalty or sedition with many either siding or being "coerced" into joining the rebels. However a small pocket of half a dozen towns in the southwest Yirvaire province instead sided with the Gatisian Democratic Force in a bizarre twist that not even the GDF anticipated. They have since existed on the fringe with many miles between them and the GDF as a de-facto independent isolated island of disaffected towns who saw no benefit in either the government or the Augustine Junta. As concern and fear mounts in nationalist leadership over the GDF's relative inactivity and a possible southern offensive sandwiching them, forces in the south have seen it a priority to attempt to shore up their positions. The pocket existed as a prime concern and it was decided that it's existence can no longer be tolerated. However in a stunning upset, the enclave managed to survive as the mechanized troops dispatch to take it over became stuck in the muddy tracts around the area and were forced to retreat as the enclave's forces fired upon them from their makeshift road barricades. Though the defeat is an embarrassment to the local nationalist garrison, it is unlikely to garner them much more time as the fury from federal leadership is sure to ensure their eventual collapse.

The Republic of The Gatisland
Leader: President Mesny
Alliance: Augustine Junta
The king across the pond has come home. Exiled following his disgrace and ejection from power, President Mesny has used his position as head of the government in exile in Salis and his continued harsh critiques of the socialist government to gain both support and financial backing for the insurgent militias on the exiled government’s payroll from the wealthy community of Gatisian exiles. Now that he has returned he faces the task of a bloody campaign north and a need to regain the popular support of the people as well as the younger guard of the movement to further his aims.

National Republican Militia
Leader: Armel Marrast
Alliance: Augustine Junta
“L’armee d’Armel” as it is often jokingly referred to, represents the young guard of the nationalist movement. Arising years after the revolution as a radical student group in the Southern Agricultural University, the group separated itself from the mainstream Mesnyist groups for it’s syncretic ideology that attempts to meld corporatistic economics with traditionalist social views. Driven underground, the group found new life as their charismatic leader Armel Marrast molded it into a powerful group of militias which aims to achieve Marrast’s “Nouvel État”. Though they have cooperated with Mesny so far, the two groups often view each other with suspicion and are only united by their hatred of the central government, though even this alliance may have it’s limits.

The Socialist Federation of The Gatisland
Leader: President Pro-Tempore Charles Barthet
Shaken by a multitude of crises, the socialist central government is in dire straits, with a financial and domestic crises creating the biggest threat to the post-revolution politics and the Cazalite policies that have been implemented in its wake. Governing from Therveux, the government has attempted to further industrialise the country while pursuing a more internationalist foreign policy, though the nationalist threat has only since escalated. Barthet has managed to evade the total collapse of the federation, but the loss of southern control has already shaken confidence in his administration, and it seems unlikely he will remain as president. The units of the remainder of the federal army have professional training and equipment stockpiles, but their tactics must be chosen carefully to best the tenacity of the rebels. The government must choose a new leader and will try to manage both domestic and international relations to ensure that the federation shall not die how it was born.

Gatisian Democratic Forces
Leader: Governor Robert Marais, Jordi Calet
A union borne of need, the Gatisian Democratic Forces are a collection of irregular ethnic militias and federal police and army units which have been coalesced to defend the areas of Galtier province and the Mardoba River Autonomous Region. Though recently established the new players in the much changed political landscape of Gatisia have managed to maintain control over their claimed area and have repulsed the minor incursions made by nationalist fighters. Governed from Edennes, the newly minted proto-state is governed by a political diarchy of each entity’s leader in an attempt to balance this new union which for now remains a defensive pact against the Mesnyists but could turn into a more aggressive force for change and democracy should the sands shift in their favour.

Therveux Free Zone
Leader: Armel Garreau
Armel did not wish this upon Therveux, but his hands were forced after some of the worst communal violence the city had seen since the revolution broke out and exposed the deep divisons in the city. After he saw the government continue down a path of "pacification" he saw as suicidal and counterproductive he has declared the capital a "free zone". Though the declaration has given the city a much needed respite from the clashes and violence that have been tearing at it's once famous stability, the pressure on the new administration is great. The ire he has raised in the north is great and the nationalists have only since been emboldened by his concessions towards them which threatens to break Armel's dream of a peaceful and prosperous city at every step his administration takes.

The Nationalist Government of Ourandois
Leader: Armand Tiberi
Alliance: Augustine Junta
Tiberi had though his career in politics was over. After stepping down following two terms as the popular elected governor of the province of Ourandois. He retired to his summer cabin in the southeast of the province, expecting a quiet retirement. When public opinion turned against the political right following the Wheat-Stalk Revolution, Tiberi fled to Salis. There he settled in a majority Gatisian exile neighborhood and attempted to live a quite life, initially refusing to return and support a faction due to his centrist leanings and dissatisfaction with the beliefs of the various insurrectionists. It is perhaps this centrism is the reason that the two nationalist factions picked him for their great gamble. Though his popularity seems to have won him control of the south of his province, it is not a job he wants and he now faces the task of juggling the influence of the two factions who forced his return as well as scrutiny to attempt to present his government to the wider country and world as something other than a weak nationalist puppet.

Antekuna, This battle is far from over, Blayredeshia, and Canadra

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