Commonwealth of LibertyBoard

Jaan's words hung heavy in the frigid air, each syllable a shard of ice against the tense silence. As he finished, a flicker of nervous energy danced in Marek's eyes, quickly extinguished by a steely glint of determination. Valdur, ever the pragmatist, adjusted the straps of his backpack, the faint clink of tools a counterpoint to the wind's mournful song. Aino, her face an unreadable mask, tightened her grip on a battered briefcase. Mikk, his weathered face grim, simply hefted his rifle a notch higher.
The pre-dawn sky began to bruise with the promise of a coming sunrise, casting an eerie, blood-red glow on the scene. It was their cue. With a silent hand signal, Jaan led the way, his boots crunching on the frost-rimed debris. They moved like phantoms through the labyrinthine ruins, Valdur navigating with the practiced ease of a man who knew these shadows intimately.
Reaching the pre-determined point, they flattened themselves against a stack of rusted shipping containers. The harbor, a maze of docked vessels and cargo containers, offered a strange comfort. Its compact size, while limiting their overall target range, also provided a network of shadows for them to navigate unseen. Valdur, his knowledge a life-saver, expertly weaved them through the metallic labyrinth, leading them towards a lone fuel tanker – their designated target. Aino followed close behind, her eyes scanning the surroundings with a vigilance born of grief and purpose.
Reaching the tanker, Jaan felt a surge of nervous anticipation. This was the moment they had trained for, the culmination of months of meticulous planning. Aino expertly placed the satchel at a designated point, her movements precise and practiced. With a final, lingering glance at the ticking timer, she slipped away like a wraith.
Jaan took a deep breath, the icy air filling his lungs. With a nod to Mikk, they retreated back into the labyrinthine maze of the docks. The seconds ticked by with agonizing slowness. Then, a deafening roar shattered the pre-dawn calm. The fuel tanker erupted in a ball of orange flames, the inferno lighting up the night sky like a monstrous pyre.
The chaos was instantaneous. Alarms blared, searchlights stabbed through the smoke, and shouts echoed across the docks. Jaan and his team, their faces grim with satisfaction, used the ensuing pandemonium to melt back into the shadows. They had delivered their blow, a message etched in fire for all to see – the Forest Brothers were back, and the fight for Estonian freedom was far from over.
As they disappeared into the maze of the city, the first rays of dawn peeked over the horizon, painting the smoke-filled sky with streaks of gold and crimson. A new day had begun, and with it, a flicker of hope for a nation yearning to be free.

APRIL , 1971
Emboldening Of The Local Administration System

| Designed as an extension of the 1971 Revised Local Administration Act. Ahmad Boestamam as the minister of Local Government & Housing with some guest writing from his fellow minister and party member, Minister of Agriculture & Cooperatives Abdul Rahman Yunus. They would draft the 'Sublocal Administrative Unit' Bill. |

| The bill declares:

Section 1
— Townships, cities and villages will have "sublocal administrative unit".
Section 2
— The sublocal administrative unit in townships and cities are the "Manufacturing Units". Albeit the term Manufacturing Units is a umbrella term as each manufacturing industry (example: textiles and steel) will receive its own unit term.
Section 3
— The Farming Units which were established by the Agrarian Solution Act, would be the sublocal administrative unit in villages.
Section 4
— The power that the sublocal administrative unit have are very limited. They can only make changes to what methods they use for production, what to do with the excess productions and how they plan to export their production to the market. The rest is whatever law was created by the local government or state government or federal government, that they must follow.
Section 5
— The communal homes established by the Necessities Of Man Act. Those located within villages and towns. Would receive the title of sublocal administrative unit. With the designation of "Communal Residence Unit".
Section 6
— Due to the nature of the Communal Residence Unit as a non-producer of product. The power each [Communal Residence] unit possess is that of making deals with local enterprises that'll benefit their commune, instead of purely relying on federal handouts like the communal homes in cities. |

| A second bill would also be drafted called the 'Local Administration Designation' Act. This act drafted by Ahmad Boestamam details that:

Section 1
— A district is defined by the state government.
Section 2
— A municipal is defined by either a alliance of cities, towns and villages or cities, towns and villages highlighted by the district or state government as important enough collectively that they need to receive a municipal level government.
Section 3
— A city is defined by having a minimum population of 100,000 and a annual income of 4 million ringgit.
Section 4
— A town and village are defined by having a population less then 100,000. But what differs them from each other is that a village will have a agrarian based economy meanwhile a town wouldn't have agriculture as a major parts of its economy functionality. |

| Both bills were presented towards the cabinet to receive approval. While both bills had barely managed to make it passed legislation. Prime minister Goh Hock Guan was approached by his deputy, S. P. Seenivasagam telling him [Goh Hock Guan]

" The hard-line leftist within cabinet are beginning to influence too much of the nation, we need to reel them back into line. "

But Goh Hock Guan retorted by stating that if they begin forcing the leftist hardliners within cabinet to fall back inline, to a much more safer and less radical policy making. Then what makes them [the DAP and PPP] any different then UMNO which had previously, deliberately suppress the leftist from attaining power in government through democratic ways and those who did get into government had their reforms shut down. Goh Hock Guan would say:

" We need to set a example for future generations that Malaysia will not be a nation of ideological us against them mentality. But a nation of ideological tolerance, where leftist and western ideas will still have a place in policy making. As to not shut down potentially bright minded individuals from proving themselves. " |

______________________________________________

The Second Revolution

| Chapter 1: Divide and Conquer |

_{March - April 1971}
________________

Something had changed in the mind of General Secretary Salah Ben Youssef. For the past 11 years, Tunisia had been ruled by an increasingly iron and paranoic fist, slowly acting in the interests of himself rather than the masses which he saw as their disciple in the highlife of Tunisian politics. But by March 1971, he saw the need for something which had happened in 1959, a political revolution. While his rise to power in Tunisia wasn't a bloody coup, more so a sluggish and brutal game of political cat and mouse, the impotence of the Tunisian Socialist Party and the proclamation of a socialist republic on the 1st of June 1959 had been slowly lost. Youssef knew that he couldn't afford for the masses to see the TSP as a vanguard elitist party, something it had very much become in the last 5-6 years, and if he was to gain the parlour and popularity for what he once had those years ago, he would need another revolution.

He knew that there were a few senior members in the central committee who were scheming to try and sway policy to a more reformist stature, whether that be to a more command-based model or a more liberalised format, and so if he truly wanted to ignite the fires that once were in the party and to the masses more importantly, Youssef had his scapegoats. But this revolution was to be one of suppression rather than incitement and had two key reasons behind it - power and control. On a personal level, this "second revolution" allowed him the chance to tighten his grip on power even further, rooting out those who underneath everything, opposed him and his rule. To a wider level, it could ignite the spirits of 1959 and in turn, regain the sense that the TSP and the General-Secretary were true socialists and for the people men. But to root out the opposers and the submitters, Youssef looked to use the old-age tactic of divide and conquer. If he could put one man against another, a false bid for more power and influence, it allowed him the time and scapegoats to push onwards.

For this, he firstly would empower his most loyal subject within the central committee, that being Bahi Ladgham, who commanded Tunisia's military and a key figure within Tunisian Politics in general, to use the TPA as a tool of political suppression, but not just to the opposition on the ground and the streets, but to political opponents and those who the General Secretary viewed as. He speculated that Party Chairman Mahmoud Messadi was very much a supporter of reformist policies concerning education and democracy, for before he entered politics, had been a supporter of Tunisia's short-lived democratic movement and very much reluctant to pursue the ideological conditioning of the 1970 Reforms. Not only this, but he was a popular figure amongst much of the non-political membership Tunisian Workers’ Union and could be deemed as an alternative to Youssef. To try and root out his opponent, he created a new People's Ministry of Education (PME) which would be filled with ideologically loyalist members of the party and look to administer the educational policies of Messadi.

By mid to late March, the time had come. The constant undermining of Messadi's position and authority now looked to force his true voice out. He ordered Ladgham to arrest members of the senior civil service who were directly under the chairmanship of Messadi, falsely accusing them of being traitors to the revolution and the active promotion of "Western ideals". Quickly following this, General Secretary Youssef denounced now-arrested civil servicemen and suggested that it had been Messadi who had looked to undermine the PME's policies and therefore undermining the revolution itself. It was calculated and merciless. Now with the clear scapegoat in his tracks, the Tunisian People's Army arrested what they were going to make out to be 3 key allies of Messadi, that being the Senior Minister for Education, Deputy Speaker of the People's Assembly and the Deputy Minister for Education. In a public statement, General Secretary Youssef now publically called for Messadi to resign and in a matter of a few weeks, Messadi's political future had been dismantled.

Now to the final days of March, Messadi's key allies had been arrested and imprisoned, replaced by ideological yes-men from the lower quarters of Tunisia's political structure. Youssef announced an emergency assembly with a single favour - a vote of no-confidence in the Party Chairman. This was not only an ousting, but an ousting from theoretically, the people. Unexpectedly, no man fell out of line Messadi was officially ousted from the chairmanship and Ladgham was to be given the additional role of Party Chairman, although the educational policies would be shifted over multiple figures in the CC.

The first part of the Second Revolution was a success. He had a clear starting scapegoat and ousted what he deemed to be a rising political rival. Now, with an ideligcally-strenghend Central Committee, Youssef looked to outflank those remaining via a systemic purge, boosted by a remedy of propaganda and a rejunivination of the feeling of a revolution. Salah Ben Youssef's grip was going to tighten even more as he pursued his goal of ultimate power in Tunisia.

[ Rise of Taurus: Part 1 ]

[ Portuguese Military Testing Range: 16 Miles outside of São Paulo. 10th of March, 1971 ]

| Following the collapse of the socialist and communist parties in Brasília, along with their followers at the end of December 1970, the economy of Brazil has been believed to be back on track for a rather phenomenal year. Given the sponsors during the FIFA World Cup, and the growing arms industry with the introduction of the Jaguar tank, many other companies have decided to throw their hats into the ring of the competition. Many of them for international sale rather than the domestic side, leading to many designs being brought to light. One design in particular caught the eye of a colonel in the Ministry of Defense, a member of the Ordnance Department. The design was from Taurus Armas, a company that is primarily known for operating in the civilian sector. Most of the company's exports go to the United States, small arms such as pistols and revolvers being the primary cash crop of the company. Recently, the owner of the weapons manufacturer wanted to begin delving into the military side of things. The newest design merely being a start to what hopefully could be a very lucrative contract, if not with the Brazilian government, then hopefully with the world wide market. Given the current state of things in the world, it would not be too far-fetched for some nation to be in deep need of guns and plenty of them. Which was something that Taurus had no issue of supplying, or manufacturing.

Unlike the spectacle of the Jaguar, which had the attention of the president himself, the Taurus T12a1 had no such showing. A few generals and staff officers from the Army and Navy had arrived to see the testing of the rifle, which was considered more arduous than that of the Jaguar. Primarily for the simple reason of money, and the two branches present not wanting to waste money where it wasn’t needed. Ordnance officers both military and civilian were present as well, standing by to take down any flaws or notes that could see the prototype relegated to simply being a civilian ownership weapon or only supplied to international buyers. Very rarely did the Ministry of Defense and the Ordnance Department give second chances to prototype designs, especially if the design failed catastrophically or failed to meet certain standards. Standing behind the firing line, the officers and civilian officials watched as four soldiers in full combat kit were brought out and given the prototype rifles. Turning to face the crowd the soldiers presented the rifles, each one was the same design except for two oddballs that were made with either paratrooper or ship boarding action in mind, given they had a folding or collapsing stock respectively. After presenting the rifles, the soldiers would then turn and go to respective firing points. Loading up a magazine of 30 rounds for the respective caliber of the rifle, with the others watching, the men would showcase capabilities of the rifle. Showing that even in a prototype stage, it is still very much a big contender for earning the overall contract for the standard rifle of Brazil. |

SHŌWA 46 | JUNE 1971
過小評価されている円


UNDERVALUED YEN

 J A P A N E S E   A D V A N T A G E 

君が代は 千代に八千代に 細石の 巌と為りて 苔の生すまで	May your reign Continue for a thousand, eight thousand generations, Until the tiny pebbles Grow into massive boulders Lush with moss

LAKE KAWAGUCHI — MORNINGTIME
_{FUJIKAWAGUCHIKO, Nippon-Nihon}

| At a meeting between American and Japanese officials at Lake Kawaguchi, near Tokyo, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State PHILIP TREZISE did not ask the Japanese government to increase the value of the yen. In fact, TREZISE said that. But when the news hit the headlines, TREZISE made it clear at a press conference that he had no intention of advising a foreign government on how to handle the value of its currency — despite his view that the yen is an undervalued currency. This angered the Japanese, but the pretense was accepted. This little play on words masks a very serious situation. Japan’s growing economy, rising exports and more than $6 billion in foreign currency reserves have made the value of the yen, just over a quarter of a U.S. cent, a parody. The Japanese are understandably pleased with this situation, but other countries are angry. The yen, being an undervalued currency, gives Japanese products a price advantage in foreign markets; Toyota and Datsun cars, Nikon cameras and Sony televisions, for example, cost less in the U.S. than they would if the yen had a higher dollar value. |

| This Japanese advantage was reinforced in the international monetary crisis, by triggering increases in the values of the currencies of several European countries, especially the West German mark. The mark has been left free to determine its own price in currency trading; If its value continues to rise, the price in dollars of German products, such as Volkswagens, which compete with Japanese automakers, will also eventually rise. Countries resent this artificial advantage — and none are worse off than the U.S., as the country has run a deficit of more than a billion dollars in each of the last two years in trade with Japan. This anger is fueled by the idea that Japan is largely insulated from the pressures that have sent other undervalued currencies soaring. Both treasurers and currency speculators cannot put their money in Japan — as they did in Germany when they expected the mark to rise — because the exchange of yen for foreign currency is strictly controlled by the government. The Nixon administration is considering imposing a special tariff on all Japanese goods to compensate for the undervaluation of the yen (which some estimate to be 20% below its potential free market value) or to have the Export-Import Bank cut financing for exports to Japan. Such a decision could reduce American exports of some raw materials, such as coal and wood, on which Japan depends so much. |

| Outside the halls of government, more and more citizens know that Japan cannot forever sustain an undervalued currency and continue to enjoy relatively free access to foreign markets, especially the United States. Reluctantly, economists are admitting a likely 5% revaluation of the yen this autumn or perhaps sooner, and some businesspeople are beginning to accept it as if it were inevitable. In the Japanese shipping industry, the requirement is that foreigners signing contracts for oil tankers agree to pay in yen and not in foreign currencies, which may be worth less yen when the ships are delivered. Car manufacturers are discussing a 5% increase in export prices to end the pain of yen revaluation, even before it becomes a reality. Such measures are just a recognition of reality. The U.S. Government’s measures may have been a bluff, but the fact that a decision as drastic as a special tariff on Japanese products could even be discussed illustrates how dangerously currency imbalances are fueling political tension and protectionist sentiment globally. |

SHŌWA 46 | SEPTEMBER 1971
帝国の旅


TEIKOKU NO TABI

 T E N N O ¹ 

君が代は 千代に八千代に 細石の 巌と為りて 苔の生すまで	May your reign Continue for a thousand, eight thousand generations, Until the tiny pebbles Grow into massive boulders Lush with moss

HANEDA INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT — MORNINGTIME
_{TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon}

| The 2,600-year-old tradition was broken from the moment the Emperor boarded the plane for an unprecedented meeting with American President RICHARD NIXON, in Alaska, and on his trip to Europe. Since the reign of Emperor Jimmu, the first monarch of the world’s oldest dynasty, no Emperor has ever traveled abroad. Nor has any Emperor personally met an American President. This Imperial journey symbolizes Japan’s re-emergence as a great power and reflects this country’s growing confidence in its economic and political strength and its desire for global recognition. The Crown Prince AKIHITO and Princess MICHIKO, Prime Minister EISAKU SATO and his Cabinet, the diplomatic corps of the countries the Emperor will visit, and other dignitaries were at Haneda International Airport to I wish the Emperor a good trip. No traditional court protocol and etiquette were used in the departure ceremony. |

| But all 34 members of the entourage went to the Inner Sanctum of the Imperial Palace to seek the ancestors’ blessing for a safe journey. At the airport, the Emperor walked past the assembled dignitaries, returning their bows as a crowd of people lined the spectators’ platform each holding a small Japanese flag. Then the Emperor, wearing an elegant suit, stepped onto a low red-carpeted platform and stood next to the Empress, who was dressed in a small blue and white checkered coat and wore a white hat, while a band played the Japanese national anthem. After the departure ceremony, the Emperor and Empress walked up the steps to the door of the JAL jet, for a brief moment they both turned to wave and people shouted “Banzai.” At 9:32 a.m., the plane took off bound for Anchorage. |

| Although the Imperial journey is something new, he has already met Nixon and traveled to Europe. In 1921, when the Emperor was still Crown Prince, he traveled to Europe on a warship. When NIXON was Vice President in 1953, he was a guest of the Emperor during a tour of Asia representing President DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER. The Emperor awaits the trip with some nostalgia because he considers the six-month trip, 50 years ago, to be one of the highlights of his life. On the Emperor’s schedule is a meeting with the Duke of Windsor, having met him in 1921. In Europe, the Emperor will visit Norden, Wallonia, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Alpenland, and West Germany. The Imperial journey will cost the equivalent of $564,000. The schedule, which called for his return to Japan on October 14, was so carefully organized that the Emperor complained to the press that it was too tight. Reports from Europe pointed to possible demonstrations, especially in the Netherlands. The reason is that during World War II, people who suffered from the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies (present-day Indonesia) opposed the invitation. |

DROTTNINGHOLM PALACE — NOON
_{STOCKHOLM, Meerkien}

| The first nation to receive the Emperor’s visit was Norden, who took a sightseeing tour of the country on the first full day of his trip to Europe. Although the Scandinavian government preferred him to visit nurseries and apartments for the elderly, the Emperor chose the Royal Copenhagen porcelain factory, the Little Mermaid statue, and the castle at Elsinore. As it was just an unofficial visit, the Emperor’s guide was the Japanese Ambassador to Norden, HEISHIRO OGAWA. However, he was received during lunch by King GUSTAF VI ADOLF at the Drottningholm Palace. The Emperor, who turned 70 this year, sometimes appeared hesitant and unsure as he walked, possibly because he could not see well. But the 68-year-old Empress, who was right behind the Emperor, looked serene, warm and smiled the entire time. The Empress wore a beige coat over a brown and white patterned two-piece dress. His hat was white and his shoes were brown. She wore a diamond brooch, diamond earrings and two rings. She wore a large splatter pin of diamonds, diamond earrings, and two rings. This is the Empress’s first trip away from home and also the first for most of the Emperor’s palace staff. |

| Throughout the visit there were some informal moments, where the Emperor carried his own hat. At the porcelain factory, he forgot his coat and the entourage was late while they brought it to him. Apparently no one was asked to hold his hat and coat for him. At the Little Mermaid statue, the Emperor and Empress posed for countless photographs as around 200 Japanese reporters and photographers crowded around. The crowd grew even larger after lunch when King GUSTAF VI ADOLF was unable to show the Emperor the palace gardens. All the Emperor saw were Japanese photographers. Around 40 left-wing Japanese students studying in Europe came to Norden to protest, but only a few participated. Protesters covered the Emperor’s motorcade with leaflets after the royal couple arrived at the airport. Despite what happened, security was not reinforced. During his walk through the large courtyard of Kronborg Castle, the Emperor walked alongside journalists. The Emperor’s two bodyguards were discreet. The tour started at 10 a.m., in sunny and cool autumn weather, and ended in drizzle. After meeting with two Scandinavian experts in marine biology, his vocation, the Emperor had dinner with the Japanese ambassador. Tomorrow, the Emperor will travel to Wallonia for the first state visit of his 16-day trip to Europe. The Emperor will also visit France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Alpenland, and West Germany. |

CHARLEROI AIRPORT — MORNINGTIME
_{CHARLEROI, Walloneia}

| When the Emperor’s plane arrived in Charleroi, the welcome reception was elaborate and festive, then the Emperor and Empress were taken by car to Namur, the capital of Wallonia. There were marching bands, honor guards, bells, a 51-gun salute, horses, plumes and spears, as well as dances. A crowd cheered as the Emperor and Empress appeared on the balcony of the town hall. The Japanese flag fluttered in the wind along with the Walloon flag. As he left his plane chartered by Japan Air Lines after his informal visit to Norden, he stopped at the top of the steps and greeted the Walloon government officials who came to greet him. The Emperor was driven in a gray Mercedes from the airport to the Royal Palace, lunch with the King on the outskirts of Namur, to the town hall, and a full diplomatic reception before a formal dinner. On Saturday, the Emperor will travel to Paris for a private visit to meet the Duke of Windsor, who as Edward, the 26‐year‐old Prince of Wales, met the 20-year-old Crown Prince in the spring of 1921. |

▬▬▬
_{¹ A Series: TENNO Covering Emperor Shōwa’s first trip to Europe, which lasted 16 days, where he visited seven European countries.}

 T H E  J A D I  R E V O L U T I O N 

_{After many months of canvassing, persuasion, and consolidation, the Jadi Revolution reached its climax in the capital on September 15, 1971, at the First People's Jirga of Afghanistan. Consisting of some 500 delegates from the provinces and 250 delegates from the PDPA to represent the major cities, the People's Jirga was the fruit of ceaseless negotiations and concessions. It was convened by the leadership of the PDPA to cement the Jadi Revolution and establish a constitutional Democratic Republic. However, success was still not guaranteed, and the assembly proceeded in typical Afghan fashion. Some tribal groups failed to attend, despite giving assurance to visiting Secretaries that they would be in Kabul on the appointed day. To fill these gaps, random Kabul residents who could plausibly be said to hail from the regions in question were plucked from the street and hastily submitted to the credentials committee to be sent into the assembly. One group of particularly conservative Pashtuns from Kandahar province condemned the People's Jirga and promptly left the capital to return to their villages; these troublemakers were replaced by loyal Party members who were given the power to vote in their stead. The PDPA concocted one ad hoc solution after another until a more or less workable quorum was reached and the People’s Jirga could commence its work.}

_{The constitutional committee, which was composed entirely of PDPA loyalists, presented its draft for a new constitution, which was modelled closely after exemplars from the Soviet Union and eastern bloc countries. The highest organ of state was to be the People’s Jirga, split into a lower 700-person chamber called the National People’s Jirga and a higher 230-person chamber somewhat confusingly called the People’s Jirga of Nationalities, the latter consisting of an equal number of Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, and Uzbeks. The National People’s Jirga was to be elected every 4 years, while the People’s Jirga of Nationalities would be elected by lower-level Jirgas every 5 years. The People’s Jirga would elect the Council of Ministers to run the government and propose laws subject to approval by the People’s Jirga.}

_{In accordance with the Soviet model, the constitution set forth a special role for the People’s Democratic Party. Afghans could only run for office and serve in government if they were members of the PDPA or one of a handful of allied parties, which together with the PDPA formed the unitary National People’s Front coalition. The PDPA would exist as a parallel institution to the organs of state and would centralize power in its executive organs: the 400-member Party Congress, the 50-member Central Committee and the 10-member Politburo. Within the Politburo, in turn, power would revolve around an informal three-man troika: General Secretary Nur Muhammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, and Babrak Karmal. Through the course of the negotiations at the National People’s Jirga, Taraki was confirmed as First Chairman of the Council of Minister. Amin received the post of Minister for State Planning, while Karmal became Minister of Foreign Relations.}

_{With a provisional government ready to take charge during the transitional period, the National People’s Jirga unanimously adopted the constitution and declared the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The PDPA pushed their constitution across the finish line by making still more promises to the provinces, all of which the new government would now have to keep. This was in fact an impossibility, but the whole congress was an impossible endeavor. The PDPA, ever in the present moment, deferred solving these problems and others into the future.}

_{At the close of the People’s Jirga, Taraki delivered his celebratory address: “This body was endowed with the dreams of the Afghan nation and tasked with charting a new course for the future of our country. The constitution which I hold in my hand is the answer to those dreams. Through our collective labour in this People’s Jirga, we have given every Afghan that which backwardness and foreign conquest have hitherto denied him: freedom, self-determination, sovereignty. The People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan has fought tirelessly for years to achieve this exact outcome, but our work has only just begun. You all have entrusted the Party with carrying out the back-breaking work demanded by the new constitution, to realize our ambitious plans for the economic, social, and cultural transformation of Afghanistan. We shall answer this call too. Javed bad Afghanistan!”}

____________

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

Adriatican Islands
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Anglo channel
Arcanda
Bhaarat Lok
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
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Israelli
Kewtpuff
Kotakuan II
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Mutawakkiliti
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NewAuroria
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
Paramountica
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Peoples Republic of Czechoslovakia
Pontianus
Provenancia
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Rio de la plata argentina
Rutannia
Saudi Arabiyah
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Spain-
The Confederate Prussian Empire
Vancouver Straits
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Vietnam sv
Virnall

★ 𝚃𝙷𝙴 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝚃𝙴𝙳 𝙰𝚁𝙰𝙱 𝚁𝙴𝙿𝚄𝙱𝙻𝙸𝙲 ★

"𝖥𝖾𝖺𝗋 𝗂𝗌, 𝖨 𝖻𝖾𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗏𝖾, 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝗌𝗍 𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗍𝗈𝗈𝗅 𝗂𝗇 𝖽𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗈𝗒𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺𝗇 𝗂𝗇𝖽𝗂𝗏𝗂𝖽𝗎𝖺𝗅 - 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗅 𝗈𝖿 𝖺 𝗉𝖾𝗈𝗉𝗅𝖾."
ANWAR EL-SADAT

_________________

_{(𝐑𝐄)𝐔𝐍𝐈𝐎𝐍
^{JUN - SEP 1971 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC}}
_{Arab unity had long been the intangible goal that most Arab regimes have desired for. Yet it has always remained intangible, even during the apex of Arab unity, the union between Syria, Egypt, and Libya, it soon proved to be more determintal than positive for all involved, and it didn't take long for Syria to secede and return back to independence. Yet, the desire for unity has never went away and today many still yearn for unity in face of imperialism and the Zionist enemy.}

_{For the United Arab Republic's government led by Sadat, the unity of the revolutionary forces in the Arab world was one of the goals it needed to pursue to establish its legitimacy, in order to not be fully shackled by the legacy of Nasser which still looms large and has prevented Sadat from establishing himself as his own man. It was to Sadat's delight then that Hafez al-Assad of Syria was quite keen on a renewed union for much the same reasons, both would bloom their image as men of Arab unity, and would earn them points within their respective political structure.}

_{The "Union" would of course have to be quite loose, the mistakes of the former unity could not be repeated and for both Sadat and Assad, this move was mostly for national reasons rather than actual desires for a full union. For Sadat, the idea of 'Unity of the Revolutionary Forces' instead of 'Unity of the Arab States' had become the dominant Arabist approach within the ruling party, the National Progressive Party. the 'Unity of Revolutionary Forces' implied a direction of unity for states with progressive elements, rather than some full union as the other path would imply.}

_{Negotiations lasted a few months, eventually diplomats from both sides made way for a few basic principles:}

<sub><sup>- The United Arab Republic and the Syrian Arab Republic would establish the 'Arab Revolutionary Force', a loose political union that would serve as the basis of unity between the two states.
- The establishment of a new government to manage the union, consisting of a President, a Vice-President, and a cabinet
- A unified military command would be established between the two countries
- The United Arab Republic agrees to invest US$ 80m in various industries within Syria
- A national budget of US$ 110m would be established as the initial budget, from which both states could draw upon to finance their own budgets</sup></sub>


_{For the 'all-union' government, Sadat was choosen as President, and Assad as his Vice-President. Mostly symbolic in nature, it did re-affirm Egypt's position as the 'guide' of the Arab revolutionary states even if certain sectors in Syria or otherwise would have disagreed. For Syria, the injection of Libyan petrodollars would aid largely in kickstarting the economy back into high rates of growth, something Assad will certainly not object to.}

| SEPTEMBER | SANZA YA LIBWA |

| 1971 |

DRC ★ DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
RDC ★ RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO  |

OPERATION PROOF OF CONCEPT :
MOBUTU LAUNCHES TERROR CAMPAIGN AGAINST CIVILIANS WITHIN REBEL TERRITORY!
PREUVE YA OPÉRATION YA CONCEPT :
MOBUTU ABANDI CAMPAIGNE YA TERRORISE CONTRE BA CIVILIENS NA KATI YA TERRITOIR YA REBEL!

| CONGOLESE MILITARY INVOLVED IN THE OPERATION - BA MILITAIRE CONGOLAIS BA INVOLÉ NA OPÉRATION |

| Mobutu’s Lions, officially known in government records as the 4th Reconnaissance Battalion, is made up at a ratio of 80% Former Prisoners and members of the Boyokani to 20% members of the Congolese Armed Forces. A force of five-hundred men they have become known for their brutality and disregard for ‘morality’ in the face of the enemy with this Mobutu saw a chance to use these men to strike fear in the heart of the rebel territory and prove the Rebel government as weak and incapable of defending its new found citizens. The five hundred men are to operate in Platoon size units to spread out as far as possible and cause as much damage as possible across a large area as possible. The unit also was to be equipped with a non military uniform left up to the choice of the individual and a more random assort of smalls arms given to the unit to give them more of the appearance of bandits then official Mobutu soldiers. |

| TARGETS AND HEADQUARTERS OF THE OPERATION - BA CIBLIS NA BA SIGRE YA OPÉRATION |

| The first challenge to overcome for the 4th Reconnaissance Battalion would be entering FLNC territory with enough men alive to effectively conduct the terror campaign. This challenge would not be impossible though as the vast ‘frontline’ of the conflict was extremely rural and porous for both sides. Crossing the Congo would be conducted in night operations utilizing local non motorized boats to limit any sound made by the 4th Reconnaissance Battalion in its entering of FLNC territory. The main towns to be targeted by the operation would be southwest of Gemena namely the towns of: Bozene, Boyazala, Budjala, and Epanga along with the surrounding countryside of those towns. The 4th Reconnaissance Battalion will headquarters itself within the dense Ngiri forest around the villages of Bokondji, Bobei, and Makengo. |

| TACTICS TO COME FROM MOBUTU’S LIONS - TACTIQUES YA KOYA NA BA NKOSI YA MOBUTU |

| The 4th Reconnaissance Battalion would take the tactics and way of acting as a guerrilla insurgent force against the Rebels of the FLNC. They would be ordered to avoid direct contact with the enemy to avoid them being destroyed and would only commit to limited ambushes and hit and run attacks on official FLNC units and if conducted would leave the area of attack as quickly as possible. The main focus of this force instead is to strike the civilian population as hard as possible in a two month period. Killings were ordered to be committed as frequently as possible and towns were to be burnt and attacked frequently. Propaganda would be graffitied across all attack locations stating this is the result of FLNC’s inability to protect its people. Mobutu’s Lions also would be equipped with anti-personnel mines and were tasked with leaving them in towns after attack and in farmlands to strike the populations even after they were forced to flee to avoid confrontation with FLNC units. |

PEACE-JUSTICE-WORK!

PAIX-JUSTICE-TRAVAIL !

Collapse of the Mauritanian Economy

August, 1971

| As the 1970’s approached, the Mauritanian economy slowed, and then in 1971 collapsed entirely. A sharp drop in global iron prices hurt the Mauritanian economy that was at this point entirely dependent on iron revenues and exports. Exasperating the effects of this crisis were heavy handed government nationalizations, corruption within the state economic management bureaus, and of course slavery scaring off foreign investors.

Agriculture which had been for decades the central part of the Mauritanian economy, and its slave society was hit by intensifying droughts in the 1970’s. An increasing number of subsistence free farmers found themselves under the thumb of landlords, or forced to entirely give up their land and move to the cities like Nouakchott, and Nouadhibou which would swell in size. Urban sprawl and slums began to increasingly grip the nation.

The only thing floating the Mauritanian economy was aid from both the East and West which had been a major part of GDP growth up until that point. The hardest hit of course was the slaves themselves, as while bureaucrats and state managers (themselves usually white moors) continued to plunder the economy to their own personal benefit, slaves experienced decreases to rations, and home lives deteriorated, increasing the already heightening social tensions.

_______

The Paradise That Never Was: The Rise and Fall of Mauritania Part II

Fatimetou Mint Mohamed - 2020

| The 1971 economic crisis has been described as an era defining watershed moment for our thousand year old society. That is true, but at the time when you’re living in that moment you don’t really realize. For my family we didn’t really lose out on much of our income.

Of course, I’m not going to pretend that didn’t happen for many people as certain revisionists may claim. I know from the papers; even rumors floating around at school, or in the streets, life was worsening. Slaves especially, were dying, and a great hunger washing over the mines.

Nouakchott was becoming more packed every day. I saw new families gaunt, and hungry carrying few belongings on their back as they wandered through the streets. Beggars lined the roads, as police began to more heavily beat them into the shadows. Nighttime became too unsafe to go out, my father himself forbid us to leave during the evening.

My father, despite his denials up until his final days, was cracking under the pressure of the situation. He came home every day tired, and moody. Even though we were devout Muslims I could tell sometimes, he would drink to ease the stress.

He of course got the alcohol from the black market which was everywhere at the time. Oftentimes media portrays the black market or informal economy as dangerous or in a back room of some shop. In reality, most black market dealings were done on the streets, and in open markets. Most people probably 80% at this time were either slaves or worked untaxed in the informal market. At the “black market” you could really get your hands on anything at this time, drugs, guns, alcohol, if you could think of it, they’d have it. Most of it came from the back of French and Chinese ships, or was smuggled from across the border with Senegal. Exotic animals were the favorite thing to buy. I never quite liked them, as sad as it is, I didn’t like seeing the abused exotic animals, yet unflinchingly walked past the slaves selling them…

_______

Until Every Chain Snaps: A Freedman’s Story

Messaoud Ould Boulkheir - 1993

| 1971 is the year our liberation would truly begin; however, it was also a year of great pain and sorrow. The masters inhuman economy screamed and slammed to a grinding halt, collapsing under its own weight. Unable to see past their own greed and selfishness they had done little to diversify or grow the economy. Instead all of their wealth was in the basket of iron mines, and agricultural produce from their vast ill-gotten estates.

When both a drought, and iron prices fell mutually, it was like Allah had delivered a day a judgement to their barbarity.

Us slaves starved the worst. While greedy bureaucrats and slave masters beat us harder, and reaped the wealth of our work, we fell ill, our rations cut, our gardens turning up nothing, crops withering into dust as babes starved in their mothers arms.

I was 28 in 1971. My family had been scorned by local masters, and expelled from lands we have lived on for generations. I went to Adrar, while my family etched out their existence back home picking fruit, and begging on the streets.

It was here where I first became politically active, and most importantly received a government job. My people were forbidden from higher positions, but we were allowed to work as lower public servants. While my family had been slaves, and then adjacent second class citizens to white moors in the area, my mother had still prioritized my education, something very uncommon for the time. I was lucky enough to have a stable job that paid enough to stave me off during the crisis, and send enough home.

Nonetheless, revolutionary sentiment was brewing within me, and the wider populace as a whole. I helped found the People’s Progressive Alliance, a pseudo political party advocating for Haratine rights. Almost immediately we were shut down, and numerous of our members arrested. This crackdown pushed me further to the left, past Islamic socialism, and into the teachings of Mao from books smuggled in the black market…

_{S O C I A L I S T‎ ‎ ‎ R E P U B L IC‎ ‎ ‎ O F‎ ‎ ‎ R O M A N I A‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎R E P U B L I C A‎ ‎ ‎ S O C I A L I S T Ă‎ ‎ ‎ R O M Â N I A}

21 Million Romanians: Honoring Heroine Mothers & His Excellency's Vision

_{Septembrie 1971, Comitetul Central al Partidului Comunist Român, București, Republica Socialistă România}

_{September 1971, Central Committee of The Communist Party of Romania, Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania}

| The Romanian population has achieved a significant milestone, surpassing the 21 million mark as of September 1971. This remarkable achievement has been reached thanks to the effectiveness of Decree 454 of 1954, ordered and initiated by His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, and the dedication of the heroic mothers of Romania who have embraced the call to nation-building.

| In 1954, His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, General Secretary of The Communist Party of Romania, President of The Presidium of The Great National Assembly, President of the State Council, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Supreme Commander of The People's Army, beloved and esteemed son of all Romanian people, the Genius of the Carpathians, the revered Conducător of the nation, introduced Decree 454 as a comprehensive strategy to address demographic challenges and propel Romania towards unparalleled prosperity. This decree implemented a series of measures aimed at encouraging population growth, including the discouragement of contraceptive use, strict regulations on abortion, and the provision of special benefits for women who have exhibited extraordinary dedication to motherhood.

| The backbone Romania's population growth has been the heroic mothers who have selflessly devoted themselves to the noble cause of raising large families. Their resilience, sacrifice, and unwavering commitment have been instrumental in shaping the demographic landscape of Romania. By embracing the title of "Heroine Mother" and bearing five or more children, these remarkable women have earned the admiration and gratitude of the entire nation.

| Decree 454 has had a profound impact on Romanian society, fostering a culture that values family, fertility, and maternal sacrifice. By discouraging contraceptive use and regulating abortion practices, the decree has empowered women to fulfill their patriotic duty of contributing to the nation's population growth. Furthermore, the provision of special benefits and recognition for mothers of five or more children has incentivized childbirth and celebrated the pivotal role of mothers in the growth of the Socialist Republic of Romania.

| His Excellency Comrade Constantin Rotaru, the Genius of the Carpathians and revered Conducător of the Socialist Republic of Romania, deserves commendation for his foresight, leadership, and dedication to the welfare of the Romanian people. His visionary plans for achieving a population of 35 million by the year 2000 reflect a steadfast commitment to ensuring the prosperity and strength of Romania for generations to come.

_{| The attainment of a population exceeding 21 million marks a historic milestone in Romania's journey towards prosperity. Through the implementation of Decree 454 and the dedication of the heroine mothers and the beloved leader, Romania has laid the foundations for a prosperous and flourishing future. |}

_{E scris pe Tricolor unire! Pe roșu steag liberator! Prin lupte sub a lor umbrire, spre Comunism urcăm în zbor!
Trăiască Partidul Comunist Român în frunte cu al său secretar general, tovarășul Constantin Rotaru!}

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
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Republic of Lebanon - September 1971

The State of Lebanon

The Republic of Lebanon today faces a contradiction in every facet of life and society. It is both developed and underdeveloped, embracing the free market while controlled by consortiums, politically united, a vast multicultural society yet stringent on religion, it is led by a unifying figure unlike any in Lebanon's history yet is divided on nearly every issue. Lebanon of today is at a crossroads between the entire spectrum of political thought, revolutionary agitation, and ideological confrontation. With the rising tide of Arab Nationalism, the conservative wall of the Maronites and the ever encroaching collective of leftist thought into Lebanon's society, each day that passes is thought of as possibly the last.

Fouad Chehab - Father of the Army, Idealist, Radical & Compromise

President Chehab is the single most pervasive figure in Lebanese society. Wildly popular and a man with big ideals, he won handily in the 1970 Presidential election against the Marada Movement. Convincing Chehab to run was more difficult than the actual election, his time in office previously was marked by repeated attempts to hold down his reforms by the traditional elements of Lebanese politics and the ever controlling interests of finance and the banks. He was convinced that Lebanon was simply not ready to step out of sectarianism, and it took the combined efforts of his Christian supporters and the Arab bloc to prove him otherwise. Chehab's reforms were popular, more than that, he was popular. The "Chehabists" as they are now being called have now taken advanced positions of power within the Lebanese state, a far larger support base than his early fighting days.

His prime minister is Rashid Karami, a nationalist of the Nasserist belief, yet by far one of Chehab's most needed appointees. This was not the first time the two had worked together, they were in the same positions in the 60s where much of Chehab's reforms were supported directly by his wing of the nationalist aisle. Karami himself is not hidden from controversy, even within the Arab Nationalist wings, men like Saeb Salam rail against him and the president as attempting to set up a police state. Yet he continues on, pushing the reforms that he deems needed for Lebanon's survival and cohesiveness.

Divided by Design

Lebanon's colonial history and the further creation of the national pact have created a definite division within society between the major religions of the country, Maronite Christianity, Sunni Islam, Shia Islam, Orthodox Christianity and the Druze.

Favored by the French colonial administration, the Maronites maintain significant financial privilege. Making up a core of Lebanon's independent banking system, its industrial backbone and a controlling share of the private farms, Maronite politicians often stray traditionalist and fiercely oppose changes to the makeup of the state dictated in the National Pact. The most extreme of the Maronites form the Kataeb or Phalanges and while compromise has been able with these groups, increasing opposition to the seemingly resurgent tide of Pan-Arabism, socialism and the possibility of the remnant Palestinian militias in the south causing a confrontation with Israel has made Maronite politics increasingly right wing.

The Sunni can be divided into two classes, the land owners and the working class. While more distinguished than the Shia, Sunni muslims have their own disgruntles with the state apparatus. With Maronite dominance in the economy, the land-owning sectors of the Sunni population chafe at the view of discrimination and control of the Maronite elites. At the same time these land owners look down on the lower class of the Sunni population, the working class, and aim to distance themselves from the tide of Marxism by adopting Arab nationalist ideologies like that of Nasser and Assad. The working class Sunnis meanwhile are far more inclined to the ideals of the left, while still moving with the tide of Arabism, yet are divided by belief between them and their Shia companions.

Shi'ites form the bulk of Lebanon's working class population, and the most radical of any group within the country. The ideals of the Lebanese Communist Party are awash within the communities of Shia Muslims, but not just the communists are within society. Forming a direct opposite is the fundamentalist Islamic groups, both the communists and the radicals promise enfranchisement and upliftment for the Muslim community at large, attracting the ire of the other groups.

Finally there are the minorities, the Orthodox and the Druze. Both these groups are just as radical as the Shi'ites with them, forming a cohesive bloc of semi-unity in operation. Parties such as the Progressive Socialist Party, Lebanese Communist Party, Ba'athists, Nasserists and even the Palestinian Liberation Organization find strong support within these groups.

Every major political party now has some form of small armed wing that can only grow as instability plagues the country. The only hope forward for Lebanon lies in men like Chehab and his ability to draw together groups and form a secular whole for Lebanese society, with the various competing interests not just of a religious nature but of a class and ideological nature rising and rising with each passing day, is the path to civil war inevitable? Can Lebanon be saved? What will the future hold for this small nation of the Levant?