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USR ✹ The United Somali Republic
JCS ✹ Jamhuuriyadda Cusub ee Soomaaliya

A New Republic - Creating the New Somalian Republic
^{_{Sebtember 1971 - Jamhuuriyadda Mareykanka waxaa la abuuray}}

The Somali Times | The New Republic of Somalia Finally Created! The Somali Rejoice as a new Republic is created at the end of the Somali Revolution

| Somalia; The land of instability and chaos, but facts can change. During the Somalian Civil War, Somalia experienced severe loss and suffering under the relentless attacks of Siad Barre and his conspirators. The Somali People seemed all but lost to the forces and attacks of Siad Barre, but they remained. After only a mere 5 months of hundreds of deaths, the Somali Rebellion finally took Mogadishu, and proclaimed the New United Republic of Somalia. The rebels stormed the capital and the provisional leader, Hani Hassan, was taken from power and elections were held to elect the first president of the republic. According to the newly written and revised constitution, the president could only serve 3 terms (4 years) until he had to come down from office and a renewed election would be held, the previous president would also choose to rerun for president if it was in his will. The constitution had been presented with great honor and work, for the constant revision of the constitution was to keep the state in order, to prevent psychotic uprisings and selfish individuals from rising to power, and prevented the eventual downfall of the states. The provinces were given new administrative power over their respective territories, cultures were allowed to spread and flourish across the Somali state. The continued resilience of culture shows the ever more persistent upbringing of the nation. The Presidential Representative, Jamhur Mohammed, gave a speech regarding the lives lost during the revolution, and gave kind condolence words to all lives lost, especially during the psychotic genocides of Siad Barre, a man which would never be missed.

"So, then, sometimes difficulties arise from smog and smoke.
The psychotic, lost, and irrational will operate until their goal is met.
For lives lost to them are only lost parts, they look until their
systems function with the helpless people as cogs and gears,
to work on a psychopathic machine. When those cogs
cease work, the operator goes on a tantrum of
a sociopath. But this is sure; A cog which
continues to work based on what the
machine wants, rather than one individual piece,
Is how you make a functioning machine."

- Jamhur Mohammed, Presidential Representative

| The speech given that day is known as the 'Revolutionary Account' and gives a summary of the Revolution, its affects, and even though it lasted a short time due to the strategic coup d'e'tat, that the lives lost were no low amount, as stands currently, over 23,000 Somali Men were killed, while 30,000 Woman and Children were either found and categorized as missing or dead. During the Genocidal Period, over 130,000 men and women, including children, were killed during the psychotic tantrum of Siad Barre. He was assassinated shortly after the interior Coup D'e'tat. His charred remains have unknown whereabouts, but it was last seen being dragged through Kenya and released into Lake Victoria into the Ugandan Borders, but this is all the information they have on the subject. The Somali people wish to never see a tramuatic and surely scarring event like this occur, but as in the words of Kowtame Ali,

"The world is like the wind,
So essential yet so dangerous,
and so predictable but so unexpected."
_{Qoray Screen RMB ee ka mid ah}

WADANIGA XORRIYADDA
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OCTOBER , 1971
A Restoration Of Federal Level Democracy

| Yang di-Pertuan Agong Abdul Halim of Kedah would meet with prime minister Goh Hock Guan. To inform the prime minister, that he [Abdul Halim] will officially end the state of emergency and reopen parliament. |

| Goh Hock Guan objected to the idea, as the communist still pose a threat to Malaysia as a nation. But the Yang di-Pertuan Agong would retort, Goh Hock Guan by rationalising that the communist threat are isolated to the north of Malaysia on the peninsula and are also isolated on the Indonesian-Malaysian border on the island of Borneo. As such the state of emergency is no longer needed on a nation wide scale and instead a smaller scale, state of emergency will be implemented. |

| Of the states that would still be placed under a state of emergency, in which the federal government could heavily intervene in the affairs of the state. Would be the state of Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan and Sarawak. In the case of Sarawak it was selected alone without the inclusion of Sabah under the state of emergency. Is that according to reports provided by the Kuasa Tertinggi Field Unit, the communist threat in Borneo had been isolated into pockets in just Sarawak. |

| The news would be made public information shortly after with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong being the figure making the public proclamation on the end of the nation wide state of emergency and introducing the smaller scale state of emergency in its place. Along with that would come the information that all political parties would be interested in. The reopening of parliament and a new parliamentary election to figure out the distribution of parliamentary seats. However states under the current state of emergency will not receive any voting stations for voting in the parliamentary election. |

Epilogue: Barisan Nasional
| Mahathir Mohamad, the current president of the United National Organisation [UNO] would meet with Syed Hussein Alatas, current president of Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia [GERAKAN], Ketuanegara-Arish Hadif Rayyan, current president of Brunei's Federalist Party [BFP] and S. P. Seenivasagam, current president of the People's Progressive Party [PPP]. A party that left the Democratic Action Party [DAP] led political coalition in government.
After much negotiations it would be agreed that all 4 parties would form a new political coalition calling itself: Barisan Nasional [BN], otherwise known as in English as the National Front Coalition. A coalition formed to counter the DAP led Prosperity Coalition Party, for a majority seats in parliament.
With further ambitions to acquire more parties as members in the coalition, namely parties in the states of Sarawak and Sabah. |

______________________________________________

​🇵​​🇱​​🇦​​🇾​ ​🇲​​🇪​ ​🇫​​🇴​​🇷​ ​🇦​​🇲​​🇧​​🇮​​🇪​​🇳​​🇨​​🇪​⦂ ​​​🇲​​🇮​ ​🇨​​🇴​​🇷​​🇦​​🇿​​🇴​​🇳​ ​🇪​​🇸​ ​🇺​​🇳​ ​🇬​​🇮​​🇹​​🇦​​🇳​​🇴​
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ZGnCN29Ru0

░░░ 𝐉𝐔𝐄𝐕𝐄𝐒 𝐃𝐄 𝐂𝐎𝐑𝐏𝐔𝐒

^{𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟏 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂}

^{If there's one singular vice in Mexico that never seems to fade away, it's the state's avaricious taste for violence. It was true during the era of the Aztec empire when enemies of the empire had their hearts ripped out on top the Teocalli temple. It was true during the era of the 1st Republic when those who opposed centralism were executed by firing lines. It was true during the Porfiriato, when the regime crushed anyone who dared to challenge its power. And it is true in the modern era as the state continues this age old habit. What has changed is the method. A modern regime can't just have a blank check on violence; it has to be disguised under the guise of law and order or national security. President Echeverría was especially looking to guide the party state away from that sort of violence that had brought about the disaster that was the 1968 student movement. Open violence against political opposition had to become more covert and sutle; unfortunately for Echeverría, things were about to get very violent on the holiday of Corpus Christi. In the wake of Echeverría's presidency, many of the student leaders of the 1968 student movement were released from prison, and several more exiled in Chile were allowed to return. A gesture of good faith from the new administration towards reconciliation and healing the wounds of the past. Well, that was the idea on paper, but the move had more to do with Echeverría running damage control for his administration. More importantly, the federal government wanted to ease off the tensions and get the student movements to become passive and less likely to protest or challenge the state. Thus, some political concessions would be granted, such as Echeverría's announcement of reforms that would lead to democratic openness in the country. Such as freedom of the press, the right to public demonstration, and more political autonomy for Mexico's universities.}

^{In the aftermath of the 1968 Movement and the Tlatelolco massacre, the original opposition movement against the state, made up of students, workers, unions, and leftist political groups, was weakened. Although not completely defunct, the opposition movement was in a far weaker position socially and politically compared to 1968. The people wanted peace of mind and entertainment, not constant political strife on the TV. None the less, the will to fight for political change was still there, and the movement wasn't willing to die out. So its various leaders began plotting out a new march to reinvigorate the movement. The march came in opposition to a current issue concerning the student part of the movement. In the state of Monterrey, students and professors of the Autonomous University of Nuevo León (UANL) introduced an organic law that a joint government proposed. The state government, in disagreement, drastically reduced the budget, which upset university students, and forced the University Council to approve a new bill that practically suppressed the autonomy of the institution. Not willing to lay down, the students went on strike and called for nationwide solidarity from the other Mexican universities. The National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) joined the cause, organizing protests and demonstrations in support of UANL. Mass demonstrations were planned for the 10th of June on Corpus Christi Day, or the Solemnity of the Body and Blood of Christ holiday. A public holiday that many Mexicans took off work, which would help bolster the visibility of the march.}

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
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SHŌWA 46 | OCTOBER 1971
日本の対中政策


Japan’s China Policy

 H E A T E D   D E B A T E 

君が代は 千代に八千代に 細石の 巌と為りて 苔の生すまで	May your reign Continue for a thousand, eight thousand generations, Until the tiny pebbles Grow into massive boulders Lush with moss

NATIONAL DIET — AFTERNOON
_{TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon}

| In EISAKU SATO’s speech, it was announced that the Prime Minister would begin an urgent new effort to open government and commercial contacts with Beijing. The Prime Minister’s statement, delivered before the Diet, was the first attempt to bring order to a Japanese policy toward China that has been in disarray since RICHARD NIXON suddenly changed American policy toward Beijing in July. It is vitally important that new principles are created for relations with Beijing and that the Government obtains a “comprehensive consensus” for the Japanese people to support, according to the Prime Minister. Currently, Japan maintains diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and although trade between Japan and China has grown rapidly in recent years, trade with the Nationalists is even greater in numbers. Japan’s China policy is expected to be heatedly debated during the Diet session. The Liberal Democrats are divided on this issue and the Prime Minister has been criticized by the opposition for not having anticipated the new American policy towards China, Japan’s number one ally. |

| The Prime Minister was interrupted by firecrackers that exploded in the well of the lower house. Protesters outside shouted “Destroy the Okinawa reversion agreement!” there was a sign that said: “We Oppose the Okinawa Reversion Agreement.” This special session of the Diet was called to ratify a treaty with the United States under which Okinawa would be returned to Japan. Many Japanese leftists are against the pact because it provides for the maintenance of American military bases on the island. The firecracker throwers were members of the Okinawa Youth League. The league wanted Americans out of Okinawa, but did not want the island to return to Japanese rule, claiming that Okinawans were being wronged under Japanese rule before World War II. It’s unclear what league members wanted. In the Prime Minister’s speech, similar to NIXON’s State of the Nation report, important points were mentioned: |

▌_{A new page will be added to the history between Japan and America regarding the reversion of Okinawa. However, it was noted that the continued use of military bases by the Americans was a “prerequisite” for the reversion.}

▌_{Japan’s voice must be heard in the current international monetary crisis, as leaving a solution “entirely to the Americans” cannot be justified. This was an indirect warning that Japan would resist U.S. pressure to revalue the yen.}

▌_{“Acts of violence must be fully and comprehensively reported, whether committed by a single person or an entire group, or the foundations of a democratic society will be destroyed.” This pointed to the steady increase in violence by radical leftists in Japan.}

| Speeches by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, TAKEO FUKUDA, and the Minister of Finance, MIKIO MIZUTA reinforced the Prime Minister’s speech. Until recently, Japan’s China policy consisted mainly of having trade and making pragmatic political decisions as necessary. But NIXON’s announcement, known in Japan as the “Nixon shock,” put an end to this approach. Sometime later, the government secretly sent a foreign service diplomat to Beijing as a member of Japan’s unofficial trade mission. The Chinese Foreign Minister provided direct, albeit informal, communications to Tokyo and Beijing. The Government firmly believes that there is only one China and hopes that Taiwan’s fate will be resolved through negotiations between the parties involved. The Prime Minister defended a policy of supporting the admission of Chinese Communists to the U.N. and opposing the expulsion of nationalists as a “transitional measure.” The expulsion of Taiwan is not only certainly unrealistic from the point of view of the international situation, but it could also worsen tensions in the region. |

The Great Game Part 7: Seizing an Opportunity
_{October, 1971}

When Suharto caught wind of what had transpired in Pontianak, his advisors, particularly Ali Murtopo were quick to advise him to cover up the incident. The bizarre events that preceded them along with the fact that many of the workers involved didn’t even want to return to the construction site would make the government look weak and the project for the new capital as a pointless investment. Worse still, Ali Murtopo argued that Suharto’s own reputation was at stake. After all, he was the biggest proponent of the project and its most prominent public supporter. In the eyes of the Indonesian public, the Pontianak Capital Project was Suharto’s project.

However, going against his right-hand man’s own advice, Suharto allowed the incident to spread. Newspapers aligned with the government reported on the accidental fire and the damages it had caused. Part of the foundation for the Nusantara Palace had collapsed in the blaze and several pieces of machinery had been damaged. Houses near the construction site also burned to the ground, leaving many homeless. Obviously, the strange occurrences that had preceded the fire and the stories of ghostly apparitions and lights in the sky were omitted while the fire damage was put at the forefront.

Suharto then went out to Kalimantan and photographers followed the President as he personally surveyed the damage and met with construction workers and supervisors who had remained. Ali Murtopo followed closely, still apprehensive about the image the disaster would portray. However, his concerns soon proved to have been unfounded. The whole plan from the very beginning was to put pressure on the People’s Consultative Assembly and its leader, A.H Nasution, to put more money into the project. After all, the fire had affected the surrounding city and it was the government’s responsibility to help the people. In the end, Suharto’s efforts paid off. Public pressure had fallen hard on the legislature which was forced to pass an emergency funding bill that would go toward the recovery from the fire.

While the MPR had control over the state treasury, the executive was in charge of managing those funds. It gave the President and the cabinet of ministers wide authority over how and where to spend the money. In practice though, it was Suharto who ultimately determined where the money went to, a lot of it was funneled toward projects that would expand his own power over the country, gain him allies, and maintain the support of the people. The rest was distributed among members of his own family, particularly his wife Siti Hartinah and his siblings, including his younger half-brother Probosutedjo who had business interests in the forestry and construction sectors. It allowed Suharto, his children, his wife and close family to live in luxury while close friends and members of Aspri to live comfortably and afford foreign goods that ordinary Indonesians couldn’t afford.

However, Suharto’s latest raid upon the treasury would go toward the Pontianak Capital Project and more specifically toward the sole company working construction at the site, the state-owned Waskita Karya. Since 1969, the company has been chaired by Probosutedjo, Suharto’s younger brother. Since then, Waskita Karya has been involved in several construction projects directly benefiting Probosutedjo’s own companies including the Menara Hutan Buana company engaged in logging and the timber industry and his real estate dealings. It was no coincidence that Probosutedjo was also a leading board member at Semen Indonesia and Krakatau Steel, two companies also partially involved in the Pontianak Capital Project and other projects connected to the Suharto family.

The fire in Pontianak had been transformed from a potential catastrophe, into a business opportunity for the shrewed Suharto who had pounced upon the chance to expand his control over the state’s finances for his own personal gain. Not only would the newfound funding allow him and his family to continue living in luxury, but also allow him to expand his power over the government at the expense of the Radikals, the Old Guard and even KAMI by gaining the support of the people through massive projects he could take credit for. From the Pontianak Capital Project, to new rail and road across the archipelago, to brand new oil and natural gas exploration, to the construction of new mines, the mechanization of agriculture, and the expansion of the ports in Medan, Batam, and Pontianak and finally the exploitation of vast quantities of timber in West Papua and Borneo.

As far as the President was concerned, he was winning the Great Game. The Old Guard was too busy consolidating themselves and dealing with Sukarno-era politics to pose a real threat, the Radikals were appeased by Suharto’s quiet support for their expansionist designs and the student organizations were happy as long as the state continued to invest heavily in education and crack down on leftist agitators. Slowly but surely, Suharto felt like he was gaining control. Not just through sheer political power, but also through his growing wealth. All Suharto had to do was wait and soon, men like Nasution and Jusuf could be pushed aside.

AP News: History of Bolivia Up to 1971

1952 Bolivian Revolution - April 9 - 11, 1952

The Bolivian National Revolution’s origins can be found during the Great Depression, and the defeat of the nation’s military during the Chaco War. The Great Depression had greatly weakened not only the Bolivian mining industry.

Increased radicalism from the Revolutionary Left Party, and Socialist Falange Party ate away at the oligarchic control Bolivia’s elites had held over the economy, and political system for decades.

The most important of these parties would be the catch-all revolutionary nationalists, the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), led by Juan Lechin and his Bolivian Workers’ Union, Victor Paz Estenssoro, and Hernán Siles Zuazo.

Starting in the mines, the miners, and the MNR led a popular uprising with town after town falling. On April 12, 1952, the military surrendered to the miners, and the MNR.

Estenssoro Government 1952-1956

Following their victory in the Revolution, the MNR would quickly begin to fragment between the left wing Trotskyists under Juan Lechin, and the conservative Walter Guevara. Estenssoro trended towards the middle of his own party, but recognized the growing divide.

Opting for a decentralized armed forces, mostly made up of workers’ and peasants, the MNR would begin to be pulled to the left. The Army itself was reorganized as a tool of the party, rather than a proper army to oppose the new government.

Universal suffrage was extended to the entire populace, and most contentiously, Paz would abolish term limits allowing himself to continuously stand for elections. This controversial move almost immediately sparked an attempted coup against him by Rene Barrientos. Having instead chosen to empower the worker’s militias, Paz managed to quash the coup.

Nonetheless he was deeply unpopular, he would choose to not run as President for the MNR again. Instead he threw his support behind candidate Hernán Siles Zuazo.

Hernán Siles Zuazo - 1956 - 1965

Zuazo would become president during a tumultuous period within his party. With Juan Lechin and the left wing of the party growing louder, and more uncontrollable, Lechin would demand the role of the vice presidency. Instead, Zuazo would turn towards the right, taking on Walter Guevara as Vice President.

This shift to the right caused mass defections by those who supported Juan Lechin. This split would be felt not only within the party but within the Bolivian Workers’ Union would would be coerced into following Lechin, despite his controversial personality.

President Zuazo would attempt to win over favors with the workers’, nationalizing more foreign businesses, and adopting a neutral view on foreign policy. This would instead merely anger the right wing, many of whom were suspected of being on the United States’ payroll. With falling popularity, and dissent from all sides Zuazo would choose to resign in 1965, calling for emergency elections.

Walter Guevara 1965 -1970

Guevara would become leader of the MNR, and the nation as a whole. Benefitting from a fragmented left wing, Guevara would come into office almost unopposed. Coming into office as a staunch free market supporter, Guevara would cut taxes, and tariffs across the board.

More unrest would come in 1969 when Guevara attempted to privatize the various state conglomerates, including the mines of Bolivia. This move prompted the worker’s militias who had served as the brunt of the military forces to attempt a coup against Guevara led by Juan Jose Torres. Guevara would turn to the more right wing, and more party-aligned Bolivian Army to quash the coup.

With the coup quashed, the Bolivian Army, which had aligned itself with Victor Paz who had come out of retirement as the situation fell apart, demanded Guevara not stand for a second term, lest they be forced to launch a coup against him. President Guevara would decline to run, with Victor Paz winning an easy victory with no opposition.

Return of Victor Paz Estenssoro - 1971 - Onwards

Once the unpopular statesmen, now considered the last hope of the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, Estenssoro has his work cut out for him. The MNR is fragmented between right and left, most of the original leadership has exited the party to form left wing splinter factions. The labor unions are at their most mutinous, and Guevara’s reforms lay unfinished, and unpopular.

Adopting the rhetoric of “free market, and state guidance”, Estenssoro seems to be attempting to bind the reforms of both the left, and right, in order to bring the party back together. While it will be difficult, Estenssoro has some advantages. The left wing is in a state of disarray. Even the popular Juan Lechin has been increasingly growing despised by the leadership of his splinter party, Revolutionary Party of the Nationalist Left, if Estenssoro were to extend his hand out to them they may be willing to remerge, leaving Lechin isolated.

Another positive, is both the army, and militia’s are in a weakened state, and Estenssoro may be able to use this to his advantage, bringing them both back under the state’s hand, and ending the numerous failed coups’ that have taken place since the 1952 National Revolution.

No matter what choice is made, Estenssoro will have to make difficult compromises, and may have to engage in brutal tactics to rebuild the MNR.

1971, Oktoba — October, 1971 

Presidential Residence, Gulu-Arua Road, Gulu, Northern Province (Mkoa wa Kaskazini)

The Republic Of Nilemba • Jamhuri ya Nilemba

IDI AMIN — THE CONQUEROR

The inert political tensions within Milton Obote’s cabinet had reached a boiling point, several instances of ethnic favoritism and undermining of national unity, had cost President Obote the allegiance and cooperation of Nilemba’s several tribal groups, such as the Acholi and Teso tribes, that make up much of the country’s powerful tribes, along with Obote’e own Langi Tribe, that the other two are accusing Obote of using state funds and resources to benefit the Langi. These accusations were after all far from baseless, the evidence was quite clear, as they kept mounting and pushing the President into an indefensible position. All this culminated in much of the public and opposition and anger directed towards Obote, followed by a nationwide display of support to depose Obote from power, and declare new special elections for the country to choose a new head of state. However, it is there that the agreements of the opposition parties and tribes would come to an end, their plot against President Obote had only come to ask the question, who amongst them is best fit to reign over this fragile system of rivaling clans, tribes, and linguistic groups, all united by a foundation of degraded Nilotoc ethnonationalism.

Each of the candidates competing for the Presidency however, seemed to only have the interest of their tribes in mind, while ideally as men in the representation of their region and communities would care about the interest of their constituents, a man in a position of the highest office in the land, and the perceived representative of the country in the face of the international community is meant to put aside their ethnic favoritism and supremacist ideology. Yet despite the clear task at hand, Nilemba’s opposition parties continued to class ideologically to take hold of Obote’s position, leaving room for a certain man of wide ambitions, a man who himself is paranoid of losing his job, as the commanding chief of the Nilemba Armed Forces (NAF), both under the Obote Administration which continues to limit and regulate Amin in his job, and from the opposition party that has displayed mistrust and intent at removing Amin several times during his tenure in the past decade. Idi Amin was not the kind of man to wait and see where history takes him, both during the colonial era, and during the last 10 years of a career change to support the independence of his country, Idi had always taken his destiny onto his hands, making quick work of influencing and infiltrating new organization, building trust and providing his useful skills to gain prominence, and his work at had now brought him to be commanding officer of the country’s military.

Soon after however, Amin would reach his decision after learning of Obote’s new legislation in the making, to name the President of Nilemba as the ultimate commander and chief of the NAF, effectively diminishing or undermining Amin’s Job, but this will not be a task too easy as Obote would come to find. By the time he’d return from a diplomatic mission to Singapore, he would find himself and his government deposed and exiled, realizing that he may never be able to return to Nilemba, to the country he had founded from the burning flames of ethnic cleansing and ecological disasters. 14:00 hours earlier, the Chief of the Armed Forces, Idi Amin Dada Oumee, had gathered his supporters within the military to mobilize on Gulu, the airport was the first to be seized, followed by the media centers and police departments around the city. Nilemba was put under virtual lockdown, her capital city now engulfed by military tanks and infantry occupying the streets, by the time the opposition vying for power had realized their government had just been deposed in a coup, propelling the ambitious Amin into power, with it, declaring himself second President of the Republic of Nilemba.

Back on Obote’s Plane, news of the coup and his removal from power had sent him into a spiral, suffering a panic attack just as his advisors ordered the plane redirected to Kenya. Once he had landed, Idi Amin had already mobilized the armed forces into the Victoria region, cementing its legitimacy to Nilemba, while also increasing security around border crossings into Kenya, Ganda, and Sudan. All whilst Obote had recovered, making quick work to infiltrate and identify loyalists troops within the NAF, hoping to recruit them into launching a counter-coup, with the perceived help of Kenya, however as Obote plotted, the help he thought he might receive from Nairobi may as well be nonexistent, and his plans only proving to trial the patience of the Kenyan Government, resulting in his depart from that country too. Obote had turned to the north, to Somalia, where he was to meet a likely ally that would help him in his plans to restore his rule in Nilemba.

Idi Amin had at last, secured his position as the President and head of state of Nilemba, and in an ironic twist, the NAF would be also brought under his complete control and authority of the Presidential Office, fulfilling Obote’s plan to make the Presidency the highest command and chief of the armed forces. Opposition powers challenging the newly declared President Amin would struggle to gain the momentum needed, to provide Amin with a counterforce to his presidency, often invoking tribalist ideologies that had alienated them from nationwide support, and only served to further cement Idi Amin as “The Conqueror” of unjust corrupt government, and a liberator of the people, a narrative that had been helped along further with the seizure of national media outlets in the capital and other urban centers such as Mbale, Lira, and Jinja. Idi Amin established absolute certainty of his role, with his position as head of state and head of government, through guaranteeing his stay in power, given the massive help of intelligence, supplies, assets, and recognition granted to his government from the UK, Israel, as well as other western aligned nations, that liked to see a hardline anti-communist government in Nilemba, serving their interest in the region, amidst the rise of leftist governments and rebel groups in the neighboring D.R. Congo, Sudan, and Ethiopia.

What is uncertain however, is what role will Milton Obote or the enriched Langi Tribe have in retaking the country, or how far his tribe willing to aid him in his endeavor, will he move ahead with attempting a counter-coup or be forced to sit back and begin an early retirement? What faith awaits the Busoga people, both exiled in Ganda and under severe repression within Nilemba, who are desperate to reclaim their homeland and dignity, will their right of return to the Sogaland be granted and permanent peace with Ganda established, or will they continue to suffer another 40 years of exile, oppression, subjugation, and grief, while Idi Amin maintains an air of hostility with Ganda’s Bantu kingdoms? What geopolitical game is Idi Amin’s Government expected to take in a volatile region surrounded by nations already uneasy with his power grab, will he oppose Somalia’s bid to reclaim Obote’s government, will he move ahead with destabilizing South Sudan, distracting the Arab nationalist sympathizers in Khartoum, as part of an effort to aid his Israeli Allies, will he commit to further incursions into the D.R. Congo to cement a sphere of influence predicated at surrounding Ganda to secure the sovereignty of the Nilo State? And most of all, what faith awaits Idi Amin’s Nilemba?

———————————————
GLORY BE NILEMBA!!

| TWENTY-SEVENTH OF OCTOBER | 十月二十七日 |

| 1971 |

PRC ★ PEOPLES’ REPUBLIC OF CHINA
中华人民共和国  |

THE PLIGHT OF LAOS NOW A FEAR FOR CHINA:
THE CONTINUAL ENCROACHMENT OF WESTERN ALIGNED NATIONS ALONG CHINA’S PERIPHERAL NOW COULD CALL FOR BEIJING TO ACT AND SHOW ITS ASIAN NEIGHBORS THAT ITS TOLERANCE IS NOT UNLIMITED!
老挝的困境现在令中国感到担忧：西方国家不断侵占中国周边地区，这可能要求北京采取行动，并向其亚洲邻国表明，它的容忍度不是无限的!

| Laos a rebellious province of a Monarchical power, nearly a perfect area for the People’s Republic to secure a future buffer state, could a People’s Republic of Laos give China the buffer it needs and Lao a nation of their own? |

| CHINESE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY COMPLAINS OF INCREASED TENSIONS WITH SIAM FORCES AND WITNESSING ATROCITIES COMMITTED BY SIAMESE GOVERNMENT FORCES - 中国人民解放军抱怨与暹罗军队的紧张关系加剧，并目睹暹罗政府军犯下的暴行 |

| As news of the so-called “Lao Revolution” in Chinese Media reached the streets of the major Chinese cities the facts on the group were becoming more and more evident on the ground. Two PLA Army Corps [160,000 men] have already been present in the region assisting North Vietnam and preventing any unauthorized cross over into the PRC. Chen Yi’s recent statements of claiming the Lao to be Brothers to the Chinese people for their Revolutionary Mindset / 革命心态 the calls for assisting the possible revolutionaries became stronger. The PLA has already begun to conduct smuggling missions of cheap military equipment and other guerrilla necessities for the Pathet Lao. PLA officials claim to the Politburo that the Pathet Lao and the majority of Lao people yearn for Chinese assistance towards the Lao Revolution in more overt ways. |

| THE RED FLOOD AND THE EIGHT HUNDRED MARTYRS - 赤水与八百烈士 |

| Although the Cultural Revolution has damaged some of the efficiency of the Chinese military it did come with unique opportunities for the Chinese state to build influence abroad. It gave a near census to the Chinese Communist Party on who is willing and able to give their life to the cause the Red Guards youthful in their abilities and naive enough to follow orders easily that may lead to their unfortunate demise, with this came the call for Eight-Hundred Martyrs across Southern China. 300 from Guangzhou, 200 from Nanning, 300 from Kunming, 100 from Dali, and 100 from Xishuangbanna answering the call came to the Xishuangbanna. These eight hundred martyrs were to split into cadres of eight with one of them being proficient in the Lao language each cadre would be armed with only machetes and a handgun to protect them from Siamese government forces and assist the Pathet Lao in a very limited capacity. The main role of these eight-hundred men and women from the ages of 18-30 were to bring the Lao people into a closer relationship with the Chinese people and create a positive view of the Chinese People’s Republic. They would also seek to educate the Lao Countryside and Urban centers on the theories of Mao and the idea of a People’s War to liberate and birth an independent Lao state. The Eight Hundred Martyrs were to split their time in villages staying for a couple of days to a week depending on their perceived ‘hospitality’ of the locals towards them and their goals and during their stays in towns/villages/cities were to spend the morning educating locals, their day assisting locals in work, and nights if needed to assist the local Pathet Lao unit in any operations they could be required in. The entrance of the Eight-Hundred Martyrs was referred to as the “Red Flood” by the cadres as they were to enter through any portion of the border necessary to enter the country and avoid Siamese loyal forces. The Red Flood is to commence on the 27th of October, 1971 how many shall enter without resistance and how many will be martyred by the imperialists of Bangkok? |

| THE CHINESE PEOPLE’S VOLUNTEER BEGINS RECRUITMENT DRIVE - 中国人民志愿者启动招募 |

| In a attempt to avoid direct Chinese forces from engaging inside Laos the People’s Liberation Army was to allow Soldiers of the PLA to volunteer for the Chinese People’s Volunteers / CPV / 中国人民志愿军. Across China soldiers were to be allowed to volunteer for this service and would be rewarded well for doing so. More importantly this unit is to be led by Mao’s oldest son, Mao Anying the 49 year old Lieutenant General of the PLA and veteran of WW2 fighting in the Soviet Red Army and in the Chinese Civil War alongside his father. The CPV hoped to receive 80,000 volunteers in its first recruitment drives to build 8 divisions for a possible liberation of Laos. |

SERVE THE PEOPLE!

为人民服务!

SHŌWA 46 | NOVEMBER 1971
沖縄協定が国会承認


Okinawa Pact Approved in the Diet

 O K I N A W A   R E V E R S I O N   A G R E E M E N T 

君が代は 千代に八千代に 細石の 巌と為りて 苔の生すまで	May your reign Continue for a thousand, eight thousand generations, Until the tiny pebbles Grow into massive boulders Lush with moss

NATIONAL DIET — MORNINGTIME
_{TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon}

| The Okinawa pact was approved by Diet’s lower house, under which the island will be returned to Japan next year. The vote guaranteed ratification, although the pact will still be analyzed in the House of Councillors (upper house). The vote was 285 to 73. The Socialists and Communists, who have a total of 105 seats in the 491-member house, opposed the pact. Komeito and the Democratic Socialist Party also opposed it. The vote in the U.S. Senate on November 10 was 84 to 6, approving the pact. However, President RICHARD NIXON will not sign it until Japan adopts implementing legislation that ensures the continued maintenance of American military bases on Okinawa. Following the approval of the Okinawa pact, Japan’s House of Representatives voted unanimously, for two opposition resolutions that appeared to conflict with the Okinawa oil agreement made between Japan and the U.S. |

| A plea by Japan to obtain a commitment from the U.S. that all nuclear weapons would be removed from Okinawa before the island returned to Japan. There will be no nuclear weapons on Okinawa at the time of the reversion, according to the Nixon Administration. But the joint statement on Okinawa by President and Prime Minister last November was interpreted by government officials on both sides as a concession to place nuclear weapons on the island only in an emergency. The statement noted that the reversion would be made without prejudice to the rights of the U.S. to consult with Tokyo if Washington found it necessary to place nuclear weapons on Okinawa. The second resolution concerns reducing the size and number of American military bases on Okinawa after the island’s return to Japan, although a detailed agreement on the maintenance of these military installations was part of the pact. Informal requests have already been made by Japanese officials to American officials for new commitments on the nuclear and base issues. But it remains to be seen whether the Nixon Administration will do more than it promised. The LDP agreed to support the resolutions as a face-saving concession to the opposition, which had blocked the Diet’s proceedings from moving forward. The opposition spoke out against the pact because it provides that the bases will be maintained in Okinawa. |

| After four days of negotiations, the Socialists and Communists refused to accept the concession and therefore will not vote. Under Japan's postwar Constitution, a pact approved by the House of Representatives goes to the House of Councillors for approval. But if the House of Councillors does not act within 30 days, the pact is automatically approved. The 252-member upper house has 134 LDP members, thus ensuring approval if the pact is voted on. |

SHOWA 22 | MARCH 1947

ストライキの失敗


THE FAILURE OF THE STRIKE

S T R I K E   A N D   L A B O R   U N I O N S

TOKYO, S.C.A.P HEADQUARTERS — NIGHT
_{THE LAND OF THE RISING SUN, Nippon-Nihon}

| Japan’s trade unions have discovered that democracy is like the art of love, it’s hard to learn while the General is in the parlor with the lights on. For DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, creator of the Japanese labor union movement in late 1945, the question was how to leave the parlor with GRACE and DIGNITY. The necessary discipline finally collided with the experiment in democracy that MacArthur was implementing in Japan. On February 1, the American military high command prevented a general strike in Tokyo, saving the Yoshida Government but causing workers to be pushed to the left — and convinced many unionists that MacArthur had developed an anti-union tendency. As a result, the PRIME MINISTER SHIGERU YOSHIDA was unable to contain inflation and confronted S.C.A.P. with a not-so-attractive set of measures: |

i）すべてのストライキ統制を放棄し、政府と生産の崩壊を危険にさらすこと。

ii）日本の経済の方向性を即座に完全に引き継いで、政府を傀儡化する。

iii）米国の教えに反して、すべてのストライキを防ぐための抜本的な措置を講じること。

i)   to abandon all strike control and risk governmental and production collapse.

ii)   to take over immediately full economic direction of Japan, thus puppetizing the government.

iii)   to invoke drastic measures to prevent all strikes, in violation of U.S. teachings.

TWO BIG JUMPS

| Whatever MacArthur’s solution to this puzzle, the new Japanese labor movement will be an important factor in Japanese life for a long time to come. In just over a year, 4,400,000 workers have joined 17,000 unions in the two largest federations, N.F.L.U. (National Federation of Labor Unions) and the N.C.I.U. (National Congress of Industrial Unions). This was something unexpected. N.F.L.U.’s predecessors never had more than 400,000 members before the war. Imperial Japan’s “cheap labor” economy disapproved of unions. After 1937 “China Incident,” the militarists smashed them flat. The N.F.L.U. has returned under one of its former leaders — KOMAKICHI MATSUOKA, 59, who has been called “William Green of Japan” and hates communists. A more radical group established the N.C.I.U., appointed KATSUMI KIKUNAMI to be the president. Kikunami did not jump into the red, but accepted communist support. From this springboard of American standards, the Japanese jumped into the blue. |

PENMAN’S PROGRESS

| Japanese work techniques emerged from the Japanese worker’s effort to reconcile the structure of Japanese industry with the ideas of class struggle. The chairman of the Pilot Workers Union, SANSHI ISHIZUKA, 35, was wearing hornrimmed spectacles. Ishizuka, a war worker, returned to his job at Pilot shortly after Japan’s defeat, helped organize the Pilot’s 300 workers, with them achieving several immediate improvements. With inflation on the rise, the union asked for more money and a formal contract, but management refused. As requested by MacArthur, Japan’s Government had legalized U.S. labor guarantees. But the union ignored this, because a lawsuit would affect the company’s social standing. On the other hand, a strike would have paralyzed production, and the union had no money. There would be no strikes, because many workers who lost their homes in the bombing were living in the factory. |

“PRODUCTION CONTROL”

| The option chosen by SANSHI ISHIZUKA and his fellow workers was that no U.S. union would interfere. They call this a “production control strike.” Instead of leaving their jobs, the Pilot union members kicked the management out. They established a 30-man committee, divided thus into departments — production, sales, electric power. Then they stepped up production, used receipts to pay wages and buy materials. Ishizuka posted notices: |

「経営陣へ：工場に来る場合は、役員室にとどまり、工場の建物には立ち入らないでください。」

“To the Management: If you come to the factory, please stay in the Board Room and do not enter any of the factory buildings.”

| The workers greeted the strikers politely: |

「これらの規則を守って、これらの施設に入らないようにしてもらえますか?」

“Could you observe these rules and avoid entering these facilities?”

| Strikers continued pen production as normal, and did not swing toward American-style action until the company tried strikebreaking. Ishizuka got a mediator and the executives returned to the company. They gave everything that was asked of the union, they recovered a business that did not suffer from the stoppage. |

OUT OF THE PARLOR

| The failure of the strike taught workers and industry a lesson: look to each other and not to Yoshida or S.C.A.P. Union leaders Kikunami and Matsuoka met with leading industrialists, formed the “Economic Rehabilitation Congress” to work for better labor relations, supply allocation, distribution and price control. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, emboldened to have provided constructive leadership for Japan, ignored the bad alternatives that had kept him locked in the parlor with Japanese labor. In a press conference, MacArthur proposed an early end to the U.S. military occupation, calling for future “control and guidance” by the United Nations. MacArthur’s reasoning: Japan has been demilitarized; democracy was established; now the Japanese need an opportunity to solve their economic problems free of the military. |

| DOUGLAS MACARTHUR has not yet held an all-out press conference. But when the SUPREME COMMANDER went to lunch with the Tokyo correspondents at their SHIMBUN ALLEY clubhouse, the journalists didn’t bother to bring paper or notebooks for their notes. But to record what was said they had to write it on napkins, chit books, and letters from home. The MACARTHUR DOCTRINE declared that Japan was ready for a peace treaty; such a delay would further damage the Japanese economy, which would require even more U.S. assistance; that after the treaty Japan would need direction and protection — and that the U.N. might well have that responsibility. The PRIME MINISTER SHIGERU YOSHIDA applauded the declaration that Japan was ready for a peace treaty. But he didn’t like the idea of a U.S. withdrawal. |

| SHIGERU YOSHIDA, _{THE PRIME MINISTER} | “We are also in a battle with the communists and we have a dangerous enemy to the north . . . I don’t know the strength of the United Nations.”

私たちは共産主義者とも戦っており、北には危険な敵がいます。 国連の力がわからない。

November 1971
_{Belfast, Northern Ireland}

 T H E  T R O U B L E S :  O P E R A T I O N  D E M E T R I U S ,  T H E  B A L L Y M U R P H Y  M A S S A C R E S  A N D  T H E  D E A T H S  O F  T H E  I N N O C E N T

^{Part of the Troubles}

"God help that poor girl and her mother and father, whoever they are."

_{— ANNETTE MCGAVIGAN'S MOTHER}

NORTHERN IRELAND
_{Great Britain GB}

| On 10 March, three off-duty soldiers of the Royal Highland Fusiliers, all under the age of 25, were murdered after being lured from a bar in Northern Belfast and shot by members of the Provisional IRA. The killings were the most tragic and shocking in recent memory, prompting mass change to the recruitment standards of the British Army and the approach to British involvement in the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Tensions have not been this high between the IRA and the British Government in some time, with many at home seeing the attacks as a clear provocation and intent to escalate the conflict. |

| _{Reginald Maudling, Home Secretary} | “The battle now joined against the terrorists will be fought with the utmost vigour and determination. It is a battle against a small minority of armed and ruthless men whose strength lies not so much in their numbers as in their wickedness”.

| The three soldiers were honoured with military funerals in Scotland, with brothers John and Joseph McCaig buried together in Ayr. Their older brother, who serves with the Royal Marines in Singapore, was flown home for the service. On the same day, 20,000 people gathered in Belfast and Carrickfergus to honour the soldiers, many openly weeping. The Reverend Ian Paisley led the mourners, but this did little to soothe the tensions. |

| Days after the attack, loyalists destroyed Squire’s Hill Tavern near where the bodies had been found, despite the owner of the pub denying any involvement. 4,000 loyalist shipyard workers took to the streets of Belfast to demand internment against the IRA, and a few days later Northern Irish Prime Minister James Chichester-Clark flew to London to request more troops, but resigned after the numbers committed were far less than he expected. He was succeeded by Ulster Unionist Leader Brian Faulkner. |

| The attacks set off a chain of events that few expected, with the British Army stepping up their operations against the IRA. This culminated in Operation Demetrius, the mass arrest and internment of people suspected of being involved with the various branches of the IRA. Across the 9-10 August, the British Army launched dawn raids throughout Northern Ireland, arresting 342 in the initial sweep. Reports from the ground note the abuse towards those arrested, and the introduction of internment, caused major clashes between civilians and the military. It was also noted that alongside the British Army, Ulster loyalist paramilitaries including the UVF were supporting the operations. The use of these paramilitary organisations highlighted the growing tensions between the Northern Irish civilians and the British Army, with some noting that there was a sense of vengeance amongst certain troops. |

| Though over 1,000 were arrested, it was not without bloodshed. These tensions came to a rise in the Ballymurphy Catholic district of Belfast, where the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment shot and killed 11 people in one of the worst cases in recent memory. According to a report conducted by local newspapers, many of the victims were tending to the wounded, including Father Hugh Mullan, a Catholic priest who was reputedly waiving a white cloth whilst tending to a wounded man. Press Officer for the British Army Mike Jackson claims that 1st Para returned fire after being fired upon by Republican gunmen, and that those killed were those very same gunmen. The chaos of the attack was underscored by the lack of concrete evidence, though the killings sparked further violence in the days to come. |

| Ensuing violence led to the worst riots in Belfast since August 1969, with thousands taking to the streets, “seizing” the city, hijacking vehicles and burning buildings. Barricades were established around the city to stop the British Army advancing, while sporadic violence between the Loyalists and Republics ensued. In Derry, barricades were erected around Free Derry once again, and local troops describe the area as having “effectively seceded from British control”. Along with the 11 killed in the Ballymurphy massacre, a further 9 civilians (both Protestant and Catholic) were killed, along with two members of the Provisional IRA and two members of the British Army. Ardoyne in North Belfast became another flashpoint as Protestants abandoned their homes, burning them as they left, so that they would not fall into Catholic control. Over the course of Operation Demetrius, 7,000 were left displaced or homeless, many of them Catholics. |

| The violence came to a brutal head with the reports of the death of 14-year-old Annette McGavigan. A resident of Drumcliffe Avenue in the Bogside, Derry, she was described as “an artistic, bubbly and good-natured teen” with ambitions to become a nurse. She had left St. Cecilia’s College early due to the ongoing rioting in the area and was reportedly gathering rubber bullets that had been littered around the area with her friends, a common practice in these areas. The rioting began to wane at around 18:00, and Annette, still wearing her school uniform and holding an ice-cream in her hand, was shot in the back of the head while standing at the corner of Blucher and Westland Street. According to some reports, she was shot while collecting rubber bullets at riot souvenirs. Father Edward Daly, who administered McGavigan the last rites, recollected: |

| _{FATHER EDWARD DALY} | “I saw a young girl lying on the ground with an ice-cream beside her. She had been hit in the head and was on the point of death. I gave her the last rites and then had to break the news to her mother, who collapsed. It was very difficult. It made a very powerful impression on me.”

| Annette became the 100th victim of the Troubles, and amongst the youngest. The British Army did not make any comment and the Ministry of Defence has declined to release intelligence documentation relating to her death, despite the efforts of her family. |

| On 23 October, 3 Catholic civilians were shot by undercover members of the British Army in Newry, Northern Ireland. Four Royal Green Jackets soldiers were stationed in a Woolworths department store after receiving a tip-off that the Provincial Bank across the street would be the target of a bank robbery by the Provisional IRA. The 3 civilians were shot and killed due to suspicions they were part of the IRA on the night of 23 October. The deaths sparked fury amongst Catholic residents, though the soldiers were acquitted by jury. After the ruling, mobs descended onto Newry and rioted for several days, before being brought back under control by security forces. |

| In response, the Provisional IRA vowed to step up their operations against the British and the Unionists, culminating in the Red Lion Pub bombing on Ormeau Road, Belfast. The attack was the largest in a chain of events that saw retaliatory bombings by both the IRA and UVF. On 20 September, a bomb exploded in the Bluebell Bar in the Protestant Sandy Row area of Belfast, injuring 27 people but none injured seriously. On 29 September, an IRA bomb exploded in the Fourt Step Inn on the Protestant Shankill area of Belfast, killing two. The UVF retaliated a week later, bombing a pub on the Catholic Falls Road in Belfast, aiming to kill Catholics but instead only killing Winifred Maxwell, a Protestant woman. |

| In the late afternoon on 2 November 1971, three members of the Provisional IRA entered the Red Lion pub just beside the Ballynafeigh RUC station on the Ormeau Road. Two planted the bomb whilst the third stood guard with a gun. Before leaving the pub, they shouted “you have ten seconds to get out”. Some customers made it out of the front door, whilst others who tried to leave via the side door found it locked for security reasons. The bomb exploded six seconds after the warning, causing the walls and roof to collapse. Three Protestants were killed, with around 26 injured. The UVF have vowed retaliation for the bombings. |
____________

16, رمضان 1391 | NOVEMBER 4TH, 1971
_{Islamabad, Pakistan}

 T H E  T H I R D  I N D O  -  P A K I S T A N I  W A R

_{Holding Off Against Indian Forces}

"With faith, discipline, and selfless devotion to duty,there is nothing worthwhile that you cannot achieve..."

- Muhammad Ali Jinnah

| Within the grasp of the new month, the Pakistani Republic had entered into war with the state of India, despite the fact that no official deceleration had been announced nor signed. It came rather suddenly after Pakistani defense in the East Pakistani War, which angered the Indian State, and almost simultaneously, the Indians invaded Pakistan. The war would not be won easily by the Indians, for one fact was clear; the Pakistani were not planning on losing this war. Pakistan would march and trample over their foreign enemies until they gave up and left the state its independence and its fraternity. Though in diplomatic terms, the Pakistani state had been much more unstable than the war side of the nation. The blue flag had waved over the capital building with glory and liberty since the independence of the first Pakistani Republic. The Pakistani Navy went to the Karachi Coast to protect against the Indian invasion. The coastline has gone through a heavy defense pact which bonded all coastal states to the single pact in which private industry (for the time being) gave up all sea claims in order for national security to be in order. The Civil Ensign was also changed to prevent further confusion within the state to see if an enemy ship was upcoming. The Pakistani Air Force was much more in a debt than the rest of the armed forces, due to the fact the Indian Airforce was almost 10x larger than the Pakistani Airforce. This did not stop victories in the sky, however, as the Pakistani Men charged through the precarious skies in which the overwhelming Indian airforce met. The Pakistani bombed from above and using strategic positioning got the best of the much larger force. The airforce had some help from the Navy, as it shot into the skies from down below, creating a predicament for Indian forces. The Nation, Republic of Pakistan, would not stop working to protect its independence, it would fight fiercely until the last man fell, to protect the homeland, for Allah, for all men of Pakistan . . .

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

Adriatican Islands
Amsterwald
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Bhaarat Lok
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Kotakuan II
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Mutawakkiliti
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Peoples Republic of Czechoslovakia
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Rio de la plata argentina
Rutannia
Saudi Arabiyah
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Spain-
The Confederate Prussian Empire
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam sv
Virnall

Rising Discontent; Slaves Disappear En Masse

1971

Until Every Chain Snaps: A Freedman’s Story

Messaoud Ould Boulkheir - 1993

| The greatest asset in our successful revolution against the Beidane slave drivers was the Beidane themselves. So arrogant was their belief in the invincibility and unassailability of their position and role in society that they could not believe we would ever be plotting a revolution right under their nose.

The most difficult part of planning any slave rebellion, and in fact the thing that has doomed almost every slave revolt in human history (besides our beleaguered comrades in Haiti) is merely cost versus gain. For most slaves to remain loyal meant not only you were safe, but your family as well. To be fed, and taken care of, even if your existence meager and dependent on the whims of an abusive class of slave owners and feudal lords. In the same way the capitalists keep their own workers cowed in a state of passive acceptance of the status quo through wages, and financial anxieties, the slave society of Mauritania was an intensification of this, in a way unseen since the days of the medieval era.

However, the same way we see that the inherent contradictions of capitalism eventually lead to its downfall, so too can we see the collapse of the slave society at an even faster rate. The 1969-1971 economic crisis, and the subsequent economic malaise proved to be the fuse that would light the eventual conflagration that was the Mauritanian Civil War. A populace that no longer has anything to lose, especially when the alternative is starvation, and desolation, will more openly turn to rebellion and radicalism rather than against it. Societies natural inclination is towards a mellow status quo, but when the status quo is tantamount to death, people will shift to whatever solution brings them closer to peace.

Religion too, which has always commonly been called by Marxist’s as the opiate of the masses played a key role in the reenforcement of slavery. Cultivating religiosity within the wider populace was considered among the highest priority for the government. Even while draped in the finery of socialism, the Mauritanian People’s Party continued to proclaim itself as Islamist in nature. Moktar Ould Daddah believed he could maintain the continued existence of slavery by tying it into Islam. Deference to authority, submission to masters, and the mandate to rule were tied into general Islamic teachings. Many of the slaves were deliberately never taught to read, so it is perhaps unsurprising they took the words of imams, and others who of course were tied into the regime. Even today, through all the progress made by our People’s Republic, we still see the continuation of Islam as the most prevalent religion.

For my part, I never expected my small illegal political organization, to grow into what it has nowadays. The Communist Party of Chinguetti first began as a small reading club named the League of Mauritanian Communists in 1970. As the situation continued to deteriorate nationally, more and more disaffected Mauritanians, especially those of the middle class freed Haratine who despite a level of socio-economic development were still second class citizens to the Beidane.

We would begin a period of organization, reaching out and establishing contacts throughout the local communities. Most importantly we would facilitate the removal of slaves from their homes, and the creation of an underground mutual aid network to keep our group and community alive, during the crisis. As the situation continued into 1972, our numbers had grown to 10,000 in some way with our group, which in a population of 1.1 million people put us in the race with 1% of the nation having membership. While it was still small, we were growing rapidly among the scorned middle class, and would soon make our moves towards the slaves as well who made up 30-35% of the population at this time.

From the beginning I have always asserted had Ould Daddah been able to convince the Beidane elites of the threat of slave rebellion, and the growing threat of our League, he may have kept his grip on power. Constrained to capitalism, and elitist feudalism as Daddah was he would not be able to see his threats taken seriously, and his nation lost with it.